Ghandour Factory
1967-1975
The years leading to the Civil War (1975-1990) in Lebanon were rife with social unrest, cultural ferment, and political radicalization. The Chehab era had failed to deliver on its promise of social reform, and significant disparities still existed between Beirut and Lebanon’s southern and northern regions. Mass rural migrations to the city and rapid urbanization resulted in Beirut’s "poverty belt", dense suburban neighborhoods that lacked sanitary infrastructure and basic amenities.
Lebanon, in the 1960s and 1970s experienced the widest and most longstanding wave of social conflict in its post-colonial history (Tufaro 2020). There was a remarkable development in urban labor mobilizations and the student movement between 1968-1975. By the 1970s, and in the face of severe police repression, strikes and protests gathering thousands of participants became commonplace.
The wave of contestation among students engaged all universities, notably the Lebanese University (in 1971 and 1972) and the American University of Beirut (in 1971, 1972, and 1974). Protests also extended to high school students from public and private schools (Barakat 1977; Farsoun 1973; Rabah 2009).
Massive workers’ strikes took place in the years leading up to the Civil War, the most important being the Ghandour Factory Strike (1972), the Tobacco Farmers’ Strike (1973), and Saida’s Fishermen’s Strike (1975) (al-Buwari 1987). However, these protests did not lead to national unity. As Samir Kassir put it, Lebanon was bedevilled by many cleavages on the eve of the Civil War.
The 1967 Arab defeat against Israel and the 1971 suppression of Palestinian resistance in Jordan transferred the weight of the Palestinian resistance to Lebanon, where it found widespread popular support. Lebanon became the base for the Palestinian Liberation Organization (PLO), turning Lebanon’s southern border with Israel into a battlefield. Around the Palestinian resistance coalesced different progressive and nationalist parties, which by 1975 had enhanced their implantation among workers, peasants, and university students.
Another mobilization movement was spearheaded by Imam Musa al-Sadr (1928-78), a Shi’i cleric who rallied Lebanon’s Shi’a communities around the Movement of the Deprived, asking for greater participation in Lebanon’s economy, culture, and political life (Chalcraft 2016). In turn, the presence of the PLO in Lebanon led to the active militarization of popular militia linked to the Christian parties.
Ghandour Factory is a family-run manufacturer specializing in food processing, biscuits, and sweets. The two plants in Chiyah and Choueifat recruited many young and unemployed rural migrants.
November 3, 1500 working men and women held a strike and demanded that: “No worker should be dismissed after the end of the strike; the payment of an increase in the cost of living and a periodic increase; allowing workers to join the Confectionery Workers Union; preventing the qualitative deduction from the wages for overtime hours, which is an hour and a half; making the annual leave 17 days; paying wages for days of work-related emergencies; giving Choueifat workers transportation wages and abolishing methods of coercion to work that violate the provisions of the Lebanese Labor Law” (Boutros 2015; Tufaro 2020).
The management refused to respond to the workers’ demands.
November 11, the workers assembled before the Chiyah plant to convince their co-workers to join the strike. The security forces violently intervened to disperse the workers, resulting in two deaths (Youssef al-Attar and Fatema Khaweja) and many wounded among workers and security forces (Jirmanus 2017).
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Boutros, Joelle. “Azmat Ma‘āmil Ghandūr: ‘Indamā kāna al-Qānūn Yahmī al-Tard al-Ta‘asufī,” al-Mufakkirat al- Qānūnīyyah, last Modified August 21, 2015, http://www.legal-agenda.com/article.php?id=1219
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